“GE”construction,cf斗地主怎么玩

斗地主 3
ZhangLinguaSinica(2016)2:3DOI10.1186/s40655-016-0012-
1 ORIGINALARTICLE Openess Astudynoteonthestate-denoting個ge“GE”construction NiinaNingZhang Correspondence:u.edu.twGraduateInstituteofLinguistics,NationalChungChengUniversity,Chia-Yi,Taiwan,RepublicofChina Abstract ThisshortpaperinvestigatesacolloquialconstructioninMandarinChineseinwhichasecondarypredicatemaybeprecededbytheencliticta(它ta“it”)andtheclassifier個ge“GE.”Thepaperarguesthatgeheadsadependentclause,wheretheencliticisthesubjectofthesecondarypredicate.Therefore,first,theclassifierisnotusedasacountingunitinthisnumeralclassifierlanguage;andsecond,inadditiontoPRO,anotherformofthesubjectforadependentclauseisattestedinsecondarypredicateconstructioninthislanguage. Keywords:Classifier;Secondarypredicate;Nominalization;Subject;Proform 1Introduction:thestate-denotingGEconstructionInthispaper,IdiscussthesyntaxofaspecialsecondarypredicateconstructionincolloquialMandarinChinese.Theresearchgoalistoreportaspecialuseofaclassifierandaspecialuseofapronominalelement.Twoexamplesoftheconstructionarein1.Thestate-denotingadjective痛快tongkuai“overjoyed”isprecededbythecluster(一)個(yi)-ge“oneGE”inbothexamples.Inaddition,thepronominalencliticta(TAc)alsoprecedestheclusterin1a.Theencliticsharesitsformwiththethirdpersonsingularpronoun她/他/它ta“she/he/it.”Theoptional一yisharesitsformwiththenumeral一yi“one,”and個geisaclassifier.Iwillcalltheconstructionstate-denotingGE-construction(SGChenceforth).Inthisconstruction,thepost-verbalstringisnotanargumentoftheverb.In1,theverb玩wan“play”isunergative,takingthenominal我們women“we”asitsuniqueargumenta. (1)a.我們玩它(一)個痛快.women__wan__ta__(yi)-ge__tongkuai.1PL__play__TA__one-CL__overjoyedLet’splayuntilweareoverjoyed. b.我們玩了(一)個痛快.women__wan-le__(yi)-ge__tongkuai.1PL__play-PRF__one-CL__overjoyedWeplayeduntilwewereoverjoyed Thisconstructioncanparedwiththefollowingconstructions,whichalsohaveTAcandaspecialuseoftheclassifierge. ©2016Zhang.OpenessThisarticleisdistributedunderthetermsoftheCreativeCommonsAttribution4.0InternationalLicense(/licenses/by/4.0/),whichpermitsunrestricteduse,distribution,andreproductioninanymedium,providedyougiveappropriatecredittotheoriginalauthor(s)andthesource,providealinktotheCreativeCommonslicense,andindicateifchangesweremade. ZhangLinguaSinica(2016)2:
3 Page2of15 (2)a. 我想畫它(個)三幅漫畫.wo__xiang__hua__ta__(ge)__san__fu__manhua.1SG__want__draw__TA__CL__three__CL__cartoonIwanttodrawthreecartoons. b.我想吃它四個肉包子.wo__xiang__chi__ta__si__ge__rou-baozi.1SG__want__eat__TA__four__CL__meat-steamed.dumplingIwanttoeatfourmeatsteameddumplings. SGCsandexamplessuchasthosein2sharesomeproperties.Forinstance,differentfromthepersonalpronounuseof她/他/它ta“he/she/it,”taintheseconstructionsmusthaveamorphologicalhosttoitsleft,andthus,itisanenclitic(LinandZhang2006:817-818).SinceTAcneverinitiatesaclause,sentenceslike3arenoteptable.Also,likeotherclitics(seeKlavans1985),TAchasacategoriallyspecifiedhost:ittakesaverbasitshost(LinandZhang2006:819).Thus,itmaynotfollowapreposition.Forinstance,TAcmaynotfollowthepreposition到dao“until”intheSGCin4a,andthepreposition向xiang“toward”inthenon-SGCin4b.TAcalsomaynotfollowaconjunction,suchas和he“and,”asseenintheSGCin5aandthenon-SGCin5b.
(3)*它一個措手不及,我想殺.*ta__yi-ge__cuoshoubuji,__wo__xiang__sha.TA__one-CL__unprepared__1SG__want__kill (4)a.b. (5)a.b. *吃到它個飽.*chi__dao__ta__ge__bao.eat__until__TA__CL__full *我要向它一個人發洩一下.*wo__yao__xiang__ta__yi__ge__ren__faxie__yixia.1SG__want__toward__TA__one__CL__person__vent__once *我想殺它一個措手不及和它一個片甲不留.*wo__xiang__sha__ta__yi-ge__cuoshoubuji__he__ta__yi-ge__pianjia-buliu.1SG__want__kill__TA__one-CL__unprepared__and__TA__oneCL__nothingremain *我想看它三本漫畫和它四本雜誌.*wo__xiang__kan__ta__san__ben__manhua__he__ta__si__ben__zazhi.1SG__want__read__TA__three__CL__cartoon__andta__four__CL__magazine Moreover,likeotherclitics,TAcisphonologicallyweak.Ithasaneutraltone(Ma马庆株1983:sec.12)andisthusneverstressed,asshownbytheeptabilityof6aand7a;anditnevercontraststoanotherelementinthecontext,asshownbytheeptabilityof6band7b. ZhangLinguaSinica(2016)2:
3 Page3of15 (6)a. *玩它(一)個痛快.*wan__ta__(yi)-ge__tongkuai(iftaisstressed)play__TA__one-CL__overjoyed b.*我們玩它一個痛快,不是玩一個痛快.*wan__ta__yi-ge__tongkuai,__bu-shi__wan__yi-ge__tongkuai.play__TA__one-CL__overjoyed__not-be__play__one-CL__overjoyed (7)a.b. *我想畫它三幅漫畫.*wo__xiang__hua__ta__san__fu__manhua.(iftaisstressed)1SG__want__draw__TA__three__CL__cartoon *我想畫它三幅漫畫,不是三幅漫畫.*wo__xiang__hua__ta__san__fu__manhua,__bushi__hua__san__fu__manhua.1SG__want__draw__TA__three__CL__cartoon__notbe__draw__three__CL__cartoon WuandMathews(2010:1809)denythecliticstatusofTAc,tryingtogiveaunifiedanalysisofTAcandallotherusesofta.PropertieslikethesechallengetheiranalysisandsupportthecliticanalysisofTAcin1and2b. However,SGCsaredifferentfromtheconstructionsin2.Theright-edgeexpressiondenotesastateintheformer,butanentityinthelatter.RestrictingmydiscussiontoSGCs,Idonotconsiderthelatterconstructionsinthispaper. InanSGC,totherightoftheverb,exceptyi“one,”norealnumeralmayur(e.g.,Wu2004:33),asshownin8.Incontrast,三san“three”ursin2aand四si“four”ursin2b.Also,onlytheclassifiergemayurinaSGC,asshownin9.Incontrast,theclassifier幅fuursin2a.
(8)*咱們完它三個痛快.*zanmen__wan__ta__san__ge__tongkuai.1PL__play__TA__three__CL__overjoyed
(9)*咱們玩它一{幅/次}痛快.*zanmen__wan__ta__yi__{fu/ci}__tongkuai.1PL__play__TA__one__CL/CL__overjoyed Thus,inaSGC,yidoesnotfunctionasanumeral,nordoesgeasacountingunit.Iwillintroducethesecondarypredicatestatusoftheright-edgeexpressionofaSGCinSection2.Then,Iwillexaminethetwofunctionalelementsoftheconstruction,(yi)-geandTAc,inthenexttwosections,respectively.Section5concludesthepaper. 2SecondarypredicationinSGCsInaSGC,thephrasethatfollows(yi)-geisasecondarypredicate.Forinstance,新鮮xinxian“fresh”in10adescribesthestateofthepatientoftheverb吃chi“eat,”andtherefore,itisapatient-orientedsecondarypredicate.Theright-edgeexpressionsinotherexamplesin10arealsopatient-orientedsecondary ZhangLinguaSinica(2016)2:
3 Page4of15 predicates.Moreover,theexpression昏天黑地hun-tian-he-di“dusk-sky-darkearth”in11adescribestheresultantdrunkstateoftheagentoftheverb喝he“drink,”andtherefore,itisanagent-orientedsecondarypredicate.Theright-edgeexpressionsinotherexamplesin11arealsoagent-orientedsecondarypredicates.Furthermore,theexpression風捲殘雲feng-juan-can-yun“wind-wrap-remainingcloud”in12adescribesthemanneroftheverb吃chi“eat,”andthus,itisanevent-orientedsecondarypredicate,assumingmannersarepredicates(Ernst2002:322;denDikken2006:30).Theright-edgeexpressionsinotherexamplesin12arealsoevent-orientedsecondarypredicates(formoresuchexamples,seeWu2004:21)c. (10)a.吃它一個{新鮮/爽口}.chi__ta__yi-ge__{xinxian/shuangkou}.eat__TA__one-CL__fresh/deliciousLet’seatthefood{fresh/delicious}. b.我們可以打它一個措手不及.women__keyi__da__ta__yi-ge__cuoshoubuji.1PL__can__beat__TA__one-CL__unpreparedWecangivethemanunexpectedhit. c.打它一個片甲不留.da__ta__yi-ge__pianjia-buliu.beat__TA__one-CL__nothing-remainLet’sbeatthemandmakethemhavenothingleft. (11)a.我們去喝它一個昏天黑地.women__qu__he__ta__yi-ge__hun-tian-hei-di.1PL__go__drink__TA__one-CL__dusk-sky-dark-earthLet’sgotodrinkuntilwegetdrunk. b.阿林想吃它一個過癮.a-lin__xiang__chi__ta__yi-ge__guoyin.A-Lin__want__eat__TA__one-CL__enjoyedA-Linwantstoeatuntilheisenjoyed. c.咱們看它一個飽.zanmen__kan__ta__yi-ge__bao.1PL__watch__TA__one-CL__fullLet’swatch(e.g.,movies)untilwegetsatisfied. (12)a.吃了一個風捲殘雲.chi-le__yi-ge__feng-juan-can-yun.eat-PRF__one-CL__wind-wrap-remaining-cloud{They/He/She/You}atetoacleansweep. b.咱們去問它一個水落石出.zanmen__qu__wen__ta__yi-ge__shui-luo-shi-chu.1PL__go__ask__TA__one-CL__water-fall-rock-outLet’sdoathoroughinterrogationuntileverythingisclear. ZhangLinguaSinica(2016)2:
3 Page5of15 c.吃它一個夠.chi__ta__yi-ge__gou.eat__TA__one-CL__enoughEatuntilitshould. InaSGC,thecategoryoftheright-edgephrasecanbeasimpleAP,e.g.,新鮮xinxian“fresh”in10a,oranidiomaticexpression,e.g.,片甲不留pianjia-buliu“nothingremain”in10c.SuchanAPandidiomaticexpressioncanalsourinamatrixpredicate,asin13(theidiomaticexpressionisnotgradable,andtherefore,itdoesnoturwithadegreeword): (13)a.食物很新鮮.shiwu__hen__xinxian.food__very__freshThefoodisfresh. b.敵人已經片甲不留了.diren__yijing__pianjia-buliu__le.enemy__already__nothing-remain__PRTTheenemyhasalreadynothingleft. 3GEastheheadofadependentclauseRecallthattheclassifiergeinaSGCdoesnotexpressacountingunit(Section1).Inthissection,IarguethatgeinaSGCrealizestheheadofadependentclause,whichissimilartoanon-finiteornominalizedclauseinotherlanguages.Thiswordisobligatoryintheconstruction(Wu2004:48fn.15;LinandZhang2006:803): (14)咱們玩它(一)*(個)痛快.zanmen__wan__ta__(yi)-*(ge)__tongkuai.1PL__play__TA__one-CL__overjoyedLet’splayuntilweareoverjoyed. TheelementyitotheleftofgeisoptionalinaSGC(Lü吕叔湘1944[1990]).Itmaynotbereplacedwithanyrealnumeral(Section1),oranyotherword.Lü吕叔湘(1944[1990:174])claimsthatinmanycontexts,geisashortformofyi-ge(alsoseeWu2004:48fn.19;Shu2012:672).Ithusclaimthatyi-geandgeareallomorphsofthesamemorphemeinaSGC. Iclaimthat(yi)-geheadsafunctionalprojection.Thestructureofthepost-verbalstringinaSGCis15,where(yi)-gerealizestheheadofFP. Likeotherheadelements,(yi)-gehasselectionalrestrictions:theelementtoitsrightmustbegradable,unlessitisafour-morphemeidiomaticexpression,suchas片甲不留pianjia-buliu“nothingremain”in10c.Forinstance,痛快tongkuai ZhangLinguaSinica(2016)2:
3 Page6of15 “overjoyed”in14isgradableandsois開心kaixin“happy”in16(regardlessofwhethertheexpressionsareanalyzedasadjectivesorstativeverbs).Whenthestativesareusedinamatrixpredicate,theymayurwithadegreewordsuchas很hen“very”(hentongkuai,henkaixin). (16)玩個開心.wan__ge__kaixin.play__CL__happytoplayuntilfeelinghappy Therestriction,first,rulesoutanon-gradablestativeexpression,suchas累翻lei-fan“tired-tumble,”餓昏e-hun“hungry-faint,”or氣炸qi-zha“angry-explode,”totherightof(yi)-ge,asseenin17.Innocontextmaysuchwordsbeprecededbyadegreeword(*henlei-fan,*hene-hun,*henqi-zha)d. (17)a.*他跑了個累翻.*ta__pao-le__ge__lei-fan.3SG__run-PRF__CL__tired-tumble b.*他聽了個氣炸.*ta__ting-le__ge__qi-zha.3SG__listen-PRF__CL__angry-explode Second,therestrictionalsoexcludesaPPtotherightof(yi)-ge,sinceaPPisnotgradable.In18a,thePP自國外ziguowai“fromabroad”follows(yi)-ge,andtheexampleisnoteptable.Similarly,in18b,thePP到天亮daotianliang“untildaybright”follows(yi)-ge,andtheexampleisnoteptable,either. (18)a.*來它(一)個自國外.*lai__ta__(yi)-ge__zi__e__TA__one-CL__from__abroad b.*玩它(一)個到天亮.*wan__ta__(yi)-ge__dao__tian__liang.play__TA__one-CL__until__day__bright Now,wediscussthenatureofthisFin15.Firstofall,thespecialuseof(yi)-geisnotfoundinmatrixpredication(*蔬菜(一)個(很)新鮮*shucai(yi)-ge(hen)xinxian.Intended:“Thevegetableisfresh”;alsoseeZhang张庆文2009:(26b)).Thestringta(yi)-ge-APalwaysexpressesasecondarypredication.Thus,(yi)-geheadsadependentclause,liketoininfinitivesorofinanominalizationconstructionsuchasthedestructionofRome. Moreover,geinanSGCindeedbehaveslikeanominalizer.Ifanelementisusedasanominalizer,itdoesnotlicenseellipsis,althoughitmaydosoinanotheruse.In19a,initsmodificationmarkeruse,的de“DE”licensestheellipsisof方言fangyan“dialect”inthesecondconjunct;butin19b,initsnominalizeruse,dedoesnotlicensetheellipsis ZhangLinguaSinica(2016)2:
3 Page7of15 of淪陷lunxian“fall”inthesecondconjunct.Likewise,in20a,initscountingunituse,gelicensestheellipsisof叉子chazi“fork”inthesecondconjunct;butintheSGCin20b,gefailstolicensetheellipsisof夠gou“enough”inthesecondconjunct.ThisfactsupportsthenominalizeranalysisofgeinaSGC. (19)a.他研究東北的方言,我研究北京的.ta__yanjiu__dong-bei__de__fangyan,__wo__yanjiu__beijing__de.3SG__study__east-north__DE__dialect__1SG__study__Beijing__DEHestudiestheNortheastdialects,andIstudytheBeijingdialect. b.*他研究東北的淪陷,我研究北平的.*ta__yanjiu__dong-bei__de__lunxian,__wo__yanjiu__beiping__de.3SG__study__east-north__DE__fall__1SG__study__Peking__DE (20)a.他買了一個叉子,我也買了一個.ta__mai-le__yi__ge__chazi,__wo__ye__mai-le__yi__ge.3SG__buy-PRF__one__CL__fork__1SG__alsobuy-PRF__one__CLHeboughtafork,andsodidI. b.*他要玩一個夠,我也要玩一個.*ta__yao__wan__yi-ge__gou,__wo__ye__yao__wan__yi-ge.3SG__want__play__one-CL__enough__1SG__also__want__play__one-CL Inthelanguage,asecondarypredicatemayalsobeintroducedbythefunctionalelement得de“DE,”asseenin21. (21)a.你吃得很痛快.ni__chi__de__hen__tongkuai.2SG__eat__DE__very__overjoyedYouateveryoverjoyed. b.你吃得痛不痛快?
Ni__chi__de__tong-bu-tongkuai?
2SG__eat__DE__overjoyed-not-overjoyedDidyoufeeloverjoyedinyoureating?
Thepost-desecondarypredicateisrepresentedbyafullclause,aCP(Li1999).Incontrast,thepost-verbalstringinaSGCisnotafullclause.Instead,itbehaveslikeanominalizedstructure,sinceitissubjecttocertainconstraintsonnominalizationinthelanguage:thedegreewordhen“very,”whichheadsaDegreeP(Zhang2015),andtheA-not-Aquestionformmaynoturinthenominalizationdomain(Fu1994;Fuetal.2001).Forinstance,henisbannedtotherightof(yi)-ge,asseenin22a(Wu2004:24;LinandZhang2006:802;Shu2012:685).Moreover,thepredicatefollowing(yi)-gemaynothaveanA-not-Aform,asshownin22b(Wu2004:25,31).Theungrammaticalityoftheexamplesin22paredwiththegrammaticalityofthedeconstructionsin21.Sincethepost-departisaCP(Li1999),ratherthananominalizedexpression,itisnotsubjecttotheconstraintsthatarefoundinnominalizedexpressions. ZhangLinguaSinica(2016)2:
3 Page8of15 (22)a.*吃它(一)個很痛快.*chi__ta__(yi)-ge__hen__tongkuai.eat__TA__one-CL__very__overjoyed b.*吃它(一)個痛不痛快?
*chi__ta__(yi)-ge__tong-bu-tongkuai?
eat__TA__one-CL__overjoyed-not-overjoyed WeconcludethataSGCcontainsanominalizedsecondarypredicationstructure,differentfromthede-typeofsecondarypredicationsyntactically(contraShao邵敬敏1984andZhang张庆文2009:19)e.InEnglish,inadditiontoafullCPthatisintroducedbywordssuchassuchthat,non-finiteforms,suchasinfinitivesandnominalizationconstructions,alsoexpressadependentpredication.InChinese,thedefaultclassifierge(oritsmorphologicalvariantyi-ge)mayhavethefunctionofanominalizer(seeMyers2000forge’sspecialstatusevenwhenitursasacountingunit).Sinceclassifiersinnumeralclassifierlanguagesmayhavevarioususes(Bisang1999),thisuseofgeisnotsurprising. Therefore,FPin15canbespecifiedasnP.ThestructurepatiblewithBresnan(1997),andBorsleyandKornfilt’s(2000)claimthatnominalizationofXPisrepresentedbythemergerofXPwithanominalfunctionalhead,suchasn.Also,thewordofinanof-nominalizationexpression(e.g.,thedevelopmentofthecountry)isobligatory;andsimilarly,(yi)geinaSGCisobligatory.Ontheotherhand,inexampleslike2a,wheretheright-edgephraseisalreadyanominal,geisnotobligatory. Havingestablishedthat(yi)-geheadsannPandtakesthesecondarypredicateasplementinaSGC,InowturntomyanalysisofTAcintheconstruction. 4TAcasanovertsubjectofadependentclauseinaSGCVariousanalysesofTAchavebeenproposedintheliterature.Buttheseanalysesareproposedforconstructionssuchasthosein2,wherethepost-verbalstringinitiatedbyTAclookslikeanobjectoftheprecedingverb.Forinstance,Lin(1994)andWuandMatthews(2010)claimthatTAcisanobjectexpletive(AgrOPexpletiveinLin’sterm),andLinandZhang2006claimthatitisaD-element.TheSGCsdiscussedinthispaperaresemanticallyandsyntacticallydifferentfromtheconstructionssuchasthosein2(seeSection1).Crucially,theverbofaSGCcanbeunergative,suchas玩wan“play.”ThereisnoargumentpositionfortheassumedDP.Therefore,inaSGC,neitherthewholepost-verbalstringnoranypartofitisanobjectoftheverb,andthus,neitherdefinitenessfeaturesnoranyotherformalfeaturesofanobjecturinthepost-verbalelements.Consequently,theseanalysesdonotapplytoSGCs.Inthissection,IdiscussthesyntacticpositionandsyntacticfunctionofTAcinaSGC,showingthatitisthesubjectofthesecondarypredicate. 4.1ThesyntacticpositionofTAcIhavearguedthatinaSGC,theright-edgephraseisasecondarypredicate,whichishostedbyannPthatisheadedby(yi)-ge.InowfurtherclaimthatTAc ZhangLinguaSinica(2016)2:
3 Page9of15 isinthesubjectpositionofthispredication,urringattheSpecofnP.Inthisperspective,thenPisoneinstanceofthegeneralpredication-denotingprojection,suchasBowers’s(1993)PredPordenDikken’s(2006)RP.Insuchaprojection,theSpecisthepositionofasubjectandplementisthepositionofapredicate. In15,TAcand(yi)-gehaveaSpec-headrelation.IftwoelementsareinaSpec-headrelation,noelementmayintervene.Indeed,noelement,suchasthedeterminativedegreewordname“thatdegree,”mayurbetweenTAcand(yi)-geinaSGC,asshownin23. (23)*吃它那麼一個痛快.*chi__ta__name__yi-ge__tongkuai.eat__TA__that.degree__one-CL__overjoyed ThisadjacencyrelationalsorulesouticanalysisofTAc.Intheembeddedsentenceof24a,theembeddedsubject,thepronoun他ta“he,”isfollowedbyicmarker呀ya.IntheSGCin24b,however,TAcmaynotbefollowedbyya. (24)a.我聽說他呀根本是一個書呆子.wo__tingshuo__ta__ya__genben__shi__yi__ge__shudaizi.1SG__hear__3SG__TOP__just__be__one__CL__bookwormIheardthatheisjustabookworm. b.吃它(*呀)一個痛快.chi__ta__(*ya)__yi-ge__tongkuai.eat__TA__TOP__one-CL__overjoyedEatuntilyouareoverjoyed. Intheexamplesin25,thebracketedpartisnominalizedbytheelementde.Onecanseethatthispartmaynotcontainic.Thisisexpected,sinceanominalizedexpressionhasnoC-domainfunctionalprojectiontohostic(similarly,*Idisapproveofsuchbooksyourreading.SeeHooperandThompson1973:485).Thus,itisnotsurprisingthatthewholestringTAc-yi-ge-XP,asanominal,maynotcontainic. (25)a.我了解[李安對藝術的貢獻].wo__liaojie__[li-an__dui__yishu__de__gongxian].1SG__know__LeeAng__to__art__DE__contributionIknowLeeAng’scontributiontoart. b.*我了解[(對)藝術李安的貢獻].*wo__liaojie__[(dui)__yishu,__li-an__de__gongxian].1SG__know__to__art__LeeAng__DE__contribution c.*我了解[藝術呀李安的貢獻].*wo__liaojie__[yishuya,__li-an__de__gongxian].1SG__know__art__TOP__LeeAng__DE__contribution ZhangLinguaSinica(2016)2:
3 Page10of15 Moreover,everypredicatehasitssubject,sodoesthesecondarypredicateofaSGC.Thus,TAccanbeinathematicposition,unlikeanexpletive,whichmaysurfaceinanonthematicpositioninIcelandicorEnglish(e.g.,itinItseemsthatyoulikethispaper). Furthermore,likeasubjectinotherconstructionsinthelanguage,TAcisgenerallyoptional(Ma马庆株1983:sec.12).However,theovertnessofthesubjectofthesecondarypredicateinSGCsissubjecttocertainconditions.Forinstance,ifaverbhasanaspectmarker,TAcdoesnotshowupinaSGC,asshownin26(LinandZhang2006:819)(manymoreexampleslike26canbefoundinLü吕叔湘1944[1990:153])f. (26)我們玩了(*它)(一)個痛快.women__wan-le__(*ta)__(yi)-ge__tongkuai.1PL__play-PRF__TA__one-CL__overjoyed (cf.1a) Also,iftheverbisstative,TAcdoesnotshowup,asseenintheSGCin27(27isfromreviewer2;moresuchexamplescanbefoundinZhang张庆文2009:14)andthenon-SGCsin28(Lin2001,citedinShu2012:669). (27)張三想死(*它)個痛快.zhangsan__xiang__si__(*ta)__ge__tongkuai.Zhangsan__want__die__TA__CL__simpleZhangsanwantstodie,awayfromtheproblems. (28)a.[懂(*它)個法文]有甚麼了不起.[dong__(*ta)__ge__fawen]__you__shenme__liaobuqi.understand__TA__GE__French__have__what__big.dealIsitabigdealtounderstandFrench?
b.[老(*它)個幾歲]不是很重要.[lao__(*ta)__ge__ji-sui]__bu__shi__hen__zhongyao.old__TA__CL__several-year__not__be__very__importantIsitabigdealtounderstandFrench?
Ontheotherhand,aspointedoutbyreviewer2,droppingofta(i.e.,TAc)makessomeexamplessuchas10csoundmarginal.Wealsofindthesameeffectin10b,11b,12a,and12b.Ileavethisforfutureresearch. 4.2ThedependentinterpretationofTAcSemantically,TAc,asapronominalsubjectofadependentclause,hasnoindependentreferent(cf.Ma马庆株1983:sec.12).In29a,theresultantstateisthatofA-Lin,whichisanargumentofthematrixpredication,ratherthananyoneelseinthediscoursecontext.Ifthesecondarypredicateisaboutanevent,asin12a,itdoesnotrefertoanyeventotherthantheonethatisexpressedbythematrixpredicate.Therefore,theinterpretationofTAcisnotfree. (29)a.阿林想吃它一個飽.a-lin__xiang__chi__ta__yi-ge__bao.A-Lin__want__eat__TA__one-CL__fullA-Linwantstoeatuntilhegetsfull. ZhangLinguaSinica(2016)2:
3 Page11of15 b.我們想吃它一個飽.women__xiang__chi__ta__yi-ge__bao.1PL__want__eat__TA__one-CL__fullWewanttoeatuntilwegetfull. Moreover,TAcurswithasecondarypredicatethatisassociatedwithanypersonandnumber,indicatingthatitisnotspecifiedwithanyϕ-featurevalue.In29a,thestate一個飽yi-gebao“oneCLfull”isassociatedwith阿林“a-lin”A-Lin,athirdpersonsingularnominal;butin29b,thesamestateisassociatedwiththefirstpersonplural我們women“we.”TheformofTAcremainsthesameinthesedifferentpersonandnumberassociations(Chinesenominals,includingpersonalpronouns,havenomorphologicalgendercontrast). Furthermore,TAcmaynotbereplacedwithanotherpronounsuchas你ni“you”or我wo“I/me”(Ma马庆株1983:sec.12),oranyotherelement,including自己ziji“self,”whichisalsounderspecifiedwithϕ-featurevalues,asshownin30a,oranexpressionsuchas他們兩個人tamenlianggeren“theytwo,”asshownin30b: (30)a.玩{它/*自己}一個痛快.wan__{ta/*ziji}__yi-ge__tongkuai!
play__TA/self__one-CL__overjoyedPlayuntilweareoverjoyed. b.阿林跟莉莉玩了{它/*他們兩個人}一個痛快.a-lin__gen__lili__wan-le__{ta/*tamen__liang__ge__ren}__yi-ge__tongkuai.A-Lin__and__Lili__play-PRF__TA/3PL__two__CL__person__one__CL__overjoyedA-LinandLiliplayeduntiltheywereoverjoyed. WehavearguedthatTAcursinthesubjectpositionofadependentpredication.Theabovefactsshowthattheinterpretationoftheencliticisdependentonthematrixclause,similartothatofaPRO.Itiswell-recognizedthatPROursinthesubjectpositionofadependentclauseonly.Moreover,foranon-arbitraryPRO,ittakeseitheranindividual-denotingnominalofthematrixclause,oranevent-denotingmatrixclause,asitsantecedent.Whenittakesanindividual-denotingnominalasitsantecedent,theantecedentmayhaveanyϕ-features.InHornsteinandLightfoot(1987),Larson(1991),andBowers(1993),thesilentsubjectofaresultativeordepictiveisanalyzedasaPRO,anditsantecedentisanargumentofthematrixpredication.Forinstance,thesubjectofcleanin31aisaPRO,whoseantecedentisthetable,theobjectofwiped.Similarly,thesubjectofrawin31bisaPRO,whoseantecedentisthefish,theobjectofate.Williams(1974;1985:308)alsoshowsthat“thematrixSitselfisavailableasacontrolleroftheresultclause.”Oneofhisexamplesis31c.Inthiscase,theantecedentofthePROisthewholeevent-denotingmatrixclause. (31)a.Johnwipedthetablei[PROiclean].b.Johnatethefishi[PROiraw].c.[JohnwenttoNewYork]i[PROitoannoyMary]. ZhangLinguaSinica(2016)2:
3 Page12of15 Thus,itisplausiblethatTAc,asapronominalsubjectofasecondarypredicate,takesanimplicitorexplicitargumentofthematrixclause,ortheeventexpressedbythematrixclause,asitsantecedent.Therefore,theinterpretationofTAcdependsonthematrixclause.Forinstance,theantecedentofTAcin30aistheagentofthematrixverbwan“play,”whichisapro. Inthisanalysis,TAclookslikeanovertPRO.Cross-linguistically,thepositionofPROmayindeedbefilledbyanovertform,suchasaspecialformofapronounorareflexive.SeeBorer(1989),Szabolcsi(2009),Lee(2009),andLandau(2015:80)forexamplesanddiscussion. ThesubjectpositionanddependentreadingalsodistinguishTAcfromtheuseof你ni“you”inexampleslike32. (32)a.殺你個片甲不留.sha__ni__ge__pianjia-buliu.kill__2SG__CL__noting-remainA:{We/I}willattackyousuchthatyouhavenothingleft.B:Someonewillattackotherssuchthatthelatterhasnothingleft. b.他要殺你個片甲不留,而不是殺我個片甲不留.ta__yao__sha__ni__(ge__pianjia-buliu),__er-bushi__sha__wo__ge__3SG__want__kill__2SG__CL__noting-remain_but-not__kill__1SG__CL__pianjia-buliu.noting-remainHewantstoattachyou,butnotme,suchthatyouhavenothingleft. Twofactsindicatethat你ni“you”in32istheobjectoftheverb殺sha“kill,”ratherthanthesubjectofthesecondarypredicate.First,asshownin7above,TAcdoesnotcontrastwithanyelementinthecontext,showingthatitisapronominalsubjectofthedependentclause.However,你ni“you”contrastswith我wo“I”in32b.Second,iftheverbinaSGChasnoobject,你ni“you”maynotur.In33,theclosestverbtothesecondarypredicateistheunergativeverb玩wan“play.”Wecanseethatnimaynoturthere(alsosee30).Iftheurrenceof你ni“you”requirestheverbtobetransitive,thehypothesisthatitistheobjectoftheverbissupported. (33)我想讓你玩(*你)個痛快.wo__xiang__rang__ni__wan__(*ni)__ge__tongkuai.1SG__want__let__2SG_play__2SG__CL__overjoyedIwanttoletyouplayuntilyouareoverjoyed. Wethusclaimthat你ni“you”in32istheinternalargumentof殺sha“kill.”In32b,itreferstotheaddresseeexclusively,butin32a,itmayalsohaveagenericuse(i.e.,ReadingB;seeChao1968:648).Asforthesubjectof片甲不留pianjia-buliu,itisnull.TAcmaynoturtherebecauseitscliticalizationontheverbisblockedbytheobject你ni“you.” ZhangLinguaSinica(2016)2:
3 Page13of15 5SummarySummarizing,inthispaper,IhavearguedthatinaSGC,theright-edgephraseisasecondarypredicate,anditspossibleovertsubjectisTAc.Thedependentpredicationisrepresentedbyanominalfunctionalprojection,headedby(yi)-ge.Forthistypeofdependentpredication,TAcistheonlypossibleovertformofthesubject.Asanencliticthattakesaverbasitsmorphologicalhost,TAcneverinitiatesaclause,anditdoesnotfollowanyelementotherthanaverb. Havingarguedforthesyntacticstatusofponentofthepost-verbalstringofaSGC,i.e.,thenPin15,InowbrieflyaddresstheissuehowthenPisintegratedintothestructureofthewholesentence.Thewayoftheintegrationdependsonthesemantictypeofthesecondarypredicateexpressed.Itisgenerallyassumedthatadepictiveishostedbyanadjunctofthematrixpredicate,whereasaresultativeishostedinplementofmatrixverb(Bowers1993,HornsteinandLightfoot1987,Larson1991,amongothers).Underthisassumption,Iclaimthatforanon-resultativesecondarypredicate,thenPin15isadjoinedtothestructureofthematrixpredicate.Ileavetheexactmergingpositionvaguehere,sinceitisnotcrucialforthepurposeofthispaper.Asforaresultative,oneanalysisisRamchand(2008),inwhichaneventstructurehasthreemajorprojections:InitiationP,whereanagentorcauserishosted,ProcessP,whereapatientishosted,andResultP.Thelastoneencodestheresultativepredication.ThethreeprojectionsaresemanticallyparalleltoMoensandSteedman’s(1988)preparatoryprocess,culmination,andconsequencestate,respectively.ordingly,forinstance,34ashouldhavethestructurein34b,beforeanymovementoperationisimplemented.Inthisexample,thepatientoftheverb打da“beat”isapro(oranimplicitinternalargument),whichisalsotheantecedentofta. (34)a.打它一個片甲不留.da__ta__yi-ge__pianjia-buliu.beat__TA__one-CL__nothing-remainLet’sbeatthemsuchthattheyhavenothingleft. b.[InitiationPprok[Initiation’Ø[ProcessPproi[Process’da[ResultP(=nP)tai[Result’yi-ge[scpianjia-buliu]]]]]]] Thispapershowsthatinadditiontothecountingunituse,thedefaultclassifiergecanalsobeusedtoheadanominalfunctionalprojectionthatencodesasecondarypredication.Wethusfindaspecialstrategyofnominalizationinanumeralclassifierlanguage. 6EndnotesaAbbreviations:CL:classifier;DE:modification/nominalizationmarker;EXP:experi- entialaspect;GE:theclassifiergeinaSGC;PRF:perfectiveaspect;PRT:sentence-finalparticle;SGC:state-denotinggeconstruction;TAc:pronominalencliticta;TOP:ic. bBothSGCsandotherTAcconstructionsmayhaveanirrealisreading,asin1aand2,orrealishabitualreading,asin1band(i),intheabsenceofanaspectmarker((ia)iscitedfromLinandZhang2006:807). (i)a.以前每天晚上我都要看它幾本雜誌.yiqian__meitian-wanshang__wo__dou__yao__kan__ta__ji__ben__zazhi.before__every-evening__1SG__all__would__read__TA__several__CL__magazineInthepast,Ireadseveralmagazineseveryevening. ZhangLinguaSinica(2016)2:
3 Page14of15 b.以前我們每天都去海邊玩它個痛快.yiqian__women__mei-tian__dou__qu__haibian__wan__ta__ge__tongkuai.before__1PL__every-day__all__go__beach__play__TA__CL__overjoyedEveryeveninginthepast,wewenttothebeachtoplayuntilwewereoverjoyed. cAdurativecanbeamatrixpredicate(Teng1975,Ernst1987),asin(i).Itcanalsobeanevent-orientedsecondarypredicate.In(ii),幾分鐘jifenzhong“severalminutes”canbeasecondarypredicateofthematrixpredicate休息xiuxi“rest”(citedfromLinandZhang2006:802(9a),alsotheir(9b)and(4b)).Asin2a,wheretheright-edgephraseisanominal,geisnotobligatoryin(ii). (i) 他來美國有兩年了. ta__lai__Meiguo__you__liang__nian__le. 3SG_e__America__have__two__year__PRT It
hasbeentwoyearssincehecametoAmerica. (ii) 咱們就在這兒休息它(個)幾分鐘吧. zamen__jiu__zai__zher__xiuxi__ta__(ge)__ji__fenzhong__ba. 1PL__right__at__here__rest__TA__CL__several__minute__PRT We’ll
justresthereforawhile. dIthankreviewer1forgivingmetheexamplein17aandencouragingmetothinkabouttheissue. eIfdeprecedesge,asin(i),itisaphonologicalvariantoftheperfectivemarkerle(cf.Zhang张庆文2009:fn.11).SinceTAcinaSGCrejectsle(4.1),itneverurswiththisde.Also,thisdeneverurswithyi,asseenin(ii). (i)老李吃得(*它)個心滿意足. (ii)老李吃{了/*得}一個心滿意足. laoli__chi-de__(*ta)__ge__xinmanyizu. laoli__chi-{le/*de}__yi-ge__xinmanyizu. LaoLi__eat-DE__TA__CL__satisfied LaoLi__eat-PRF/DE__one-CL__satisfied LaoLiateuntilhewassatisfied. LaoLiateuntilhewassatisfied. fHowever,inanon-SGC,TAcmayfollowtheaspectmarker–le: (i) 阿林一口氣就買了它三件襯衫. a-lin__yikouqi__jiu__mai-le__ta__san__jian__chenshan. A-Lin__at.one.time__just__buy-PRF__TA__three__CL__shirt A-Lin
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